Proxy wars have been used by the powers to serve the national security and long term interests of countries without being involving directly. The general syndrome is that a powerful country supports a state or even non state actor who has mutually shared goals in a particular area or zone. But the history of the proxy wars is wrought with numerous debilitating moral consequences, threats to security and stability in the theatre of proxy war. In addition, it can simply drag the power into an unending stream of conflagration with heavy cost of man and material. It may also cost the power in terms of credibility and aura of power. (Editor's note:An updated and expanded version of this article can be found here: Perils Of Proxy Wars In Afghanistan: A Comparative Study Of The ISI Of Pakistan And The IRGC Of Iran – Analysis)
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A simple and cursory overview is enough to suggest that the proxy wars suffer from several perceptible destructive consequences. Besides the moral deficiency it runs the risk of escalation, control over the arms and ammunition supplied and their slipping into bad hands and therefore violence continues in the post-settlement period with spiralling cycles. It defies any intervention of peace measures and settlement.
There is worldwide attention towards Iran's growing influence in the whole of West Asian region with its very effective network of its proxies across the region. The Islamic Republican Guard Corps (IRGC) of the Islamic Republic of Iran has created its network of proxies through its Quds Force in the region and beyond especially in Afghanistan. The activities of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan has adopted the proxy syndrome and has devastating consequences for the countries of South Asia including Afghanistan and Iran at large and India in particular owing to its historically hostile background. Profind 1 6 2.
A critical perusal and comparative study of the two-IRGC and ISI and their proxy wars in Afghanistan will provide a necessary insights for an effective Indian strategy for dealing with this menacing national security threat and adopt a resilient and pragmatic policy towards West Asia and geopolitical edge in Afghanistan
The Directorate of Inter-Service Intelligence, generally referred as ISI, with huge political influence and around 25000 personnel, is very ruthless separate entity of Pakistan, almost independent of its military and beyond any meaningful oversight of the civilian government. Its Afghanistan operation is India-centric and based on the fact that Afghanistan's policy towards India must be in line with Pakistan and adopts punitive approach and action in the wake of Kabul's tilt towards India.
ISI's coercive policy and proxy war in Afghanistan to attain its geopolitical goals have resulted in unending stream of violence in the post 9/11 period. To remain relevant in the face of US presence and competition from other regional powers mainly Iran's IRGC, it has assumed Jihadi route of unprecedented scale. Optimage advanced image optimization tool 3 2 0. Besides Taliban, ISI has promoted and supported the Haqqani Network, officially under larger Taliban umbrella; it maintains distinct command, control and lines of operations. A section of Pakistan military view the network as a better ally and proxy force for its Afghan interests, as the network have repeatedly targeted the Indian interests- infrastructure projects and construction sites in Afghanistan. Based in Pakistan's North Waziristan, the Network has been very lethal and sophisticated in its targets against the US coalition forces and Afghan government security apparatus. The US coalition has suffered considerably and has not been able to manage the affairs with the Pakistan government as these proxies are functioning under the directions of the ISI. The ISI has been able to manoeuvre successfully in their mission with these proxies in Afghanistan by disguising itself as friend of the US strategy in the country.
However, the most notable element in the Afghan imbroglio is the steady rise and spread of influence of Iran's IRGC activities. Iran has historical interest and shares intimate ethnic, linguistic and religious affinity with the Afghan Shia minority Hazaras in the central and northern region of the country. Its historical roots can be traced back to the Treaty of Paris, 1857 when Iran abandoned its historic claim on Herat but reserved the right to send forces into Afghanistan if its frontier was violated. Given this background, Iran's Afghanistan policy is a stable and friendly or at least, not an inimical government in the country to have stable border, ensure safety of its Shia minority, maintain cultural relations and economic engagements particularly in the Herat region.
Iran's policy therefore, has been firmly ruthless but evinces a pragmatic dynamism to adjust in the changing geopolitical condition and security ecosystem of Afghanistan. The violent excesses of the Taliban against the Shia population and bloody raid of Iranian Consulate in Mazar-e-Sharif killing eight official made the IRGC to cooperate and coordinate with invading American army in 2001 by providing intelligence and even the IRGC elements fought on the ground. But they parted their ways when the US declared Iran as part of the 'Axis of Evil'.
The IRGC is an ideological driven entity and use it ideology pragmatically abroad through Quds force. The changing security and power dynamics in Afghanistan made IRGC to coordinate with Taliban based on their shared Islamic ideology and common enemies- the foreign occupiers in the country. The contact and cooperation between the Taliban and IRGC have become a lethal combination against the US and allies in Afghanistan. For IRGC it was a cleaver move to maintain leverage with the Afghan government. Through its special Quds force it has supplied considerable weapons, explosives, roadside bombs and all necessary to the Afghan Taliban. The IRGC has a very farsighted vision and strategy behind such an unlikely alliance.
IRGC uses this leverage to escalate violence in Afghanistan in order to limit the constraining Iran policy of the West, maintain its sphere of influence in Herat and a strategic advantage for its transport linkages of the Gulf with Central Asia and the Far East. One of the Taliban governing council or Shura is in Mashhad, Khorasan-e Razavi, Iran, initially opened as a liaison office between the Taliban and IRGC in 2007. The ‘Ansar Corps' was established by Gen. Qassem Suleimani and commanded by the current head of the Quds Force, Esmail Qaani for supervision and coordination of the IRGC-Taliban relations.
The IRGC mobilised its military and advisors to Syria to prop up the regime of President Assad which also included Afghan war hardened veterans of the 'Fatemiyon Brigade', an affiliate of the IRGC composed of the Afghani Shia who have created a revolutionary niche during the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980. Initially mobilised to defend the shrine of Sayyed Zeinab in the outskirt of Damascus it turned into Afghan resistance narrative to the growing transnational Sunni jihadism and their number swelled substantially. Ismail Qaani has long association with the 'Fatemiyon Brigade' who visited Afghanistan with an Iranian delegation and had talks with President Ashraf Ghani and Mr Abdullah Abdullah, the Chief Executive of the country.
The IRGC has grown in strength in Afghanistan and adopting its old tested tactics used in Iraq by the Quds force, the tactics of abduction and has put the Afghan government, the US coalition and the Pakistani proxies under strain. In order to expand its support base and ideological penetration among the populace, IRGC network has opened a TV station promoting its Islamic ideology and interests.
The Islamic State –Khorasan (IS-K) was formed in 2015 with the estranged and defected members many terror groups based in Pakistan like Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Lashkar-e-Taiba, Lashkar-e- Islam, Jamaat-ud-Dawa, the Haqqani group and Islamic movement of Afghanistan under the leadership of Hafiz Said Khan, a veteran of Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The memberships and leadership of this additional group hardly leaves any doubt about its patronage of the ISI and its project of targeting against the Indian interests in Afghanistan. The recent gruesome attack on a Gurudwara in Kabul killing 28 innocent worshippers by the IS-K and the claim by the perpetrators that the attack was aimed at avenging Indian action in Kashmir and the report disclosed by the National Directorate of Security (NDS) that the arrested leader of the IS-K, Abdullah Orazkai alias Aslam Farooqi has revealed his close relations with Haqqani Netwrk and Lashla-e Taiba (LeT) and having links with 'Regional Intelligence Agency' a euphemism for the ISI.
The ISI wants to have an unchallenged influence in Afghanistan. With its loosening control over the Afghan Taliban, it wants to disrupt the growing proximity of the Afghan government with the Islamic Republic of Iran along with India through their joint project of Chahbahar, the convergence point of geo-economic and geopolitical interests of India and Iran in Afghanistan. Besides, the ISI is responsible for attacks on the Islamic Republic by Pakistan-backed terror group, Jaish al-Adl particularly in Chahbahar zone. In October, 2018, the Jaish al-Adl operation led to the abduction of 12 Iranian security personnel near Zahedan along with Iran-Pakistan border. For Afghanistan it provides the much needed strategic relief from its dependence on Pakistan to get access to the Indian Ocean. Such developments are at loggerheads with Pakistan's Afghan policy which has made the Pakistani deep state, ISI to create an atmosphere of disruption through its proxies. There was a similar attack in the port city of Chahbahar by Pakistan-based Ansar al Forghan with links with the outlawed Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM).
The IRGC for long nurtured its ideological entity, 'Zaynabiyon or Zainiboun Brigade', inside Pakistan among its poor and discriminated Shia population and Pakistani Shia immigrants in Iran. This group has been used by the IRGC to counter the ISI designs against the interests of the Islamic Republic in the area and their extended face off in Afghanistan. Zaynabiyon fighters are also used in the strategic Syria-Iraq border- a necessary corridor link in these two countries in the overall strategy of the IRGC.
The US-Taliban Agreement signed on 29th February amidst this devastating proxy war propelled by IRGC and ISI appears least convincing of bringing any semblance of peace in the country. The Taliban office in Doha, the seat of talks between the US and the Taliban seem to suggest that Taliban has grown in autonomy from its early backers-Saudi Arabia, and ISI influence. Qatar and its growing proximity with the Islamic Republic seem to have helped clear the misunderstanding and mistrust between the Taliban and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The IRGC has stitched this alliance through its spreading networks in Afghanistan based on their common vision of political Islam and expulsion of the foreign occupiers from Afghanistan in particular and entire West Asia. Thus behind the scene, IRGC is sure to play considerable role in the ongoing intra-Afghan negotiations. The withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan can thus create a potential power vacuum and may lead to the increased influence of these proxy actors and IRGC as it happened when the US left Iraq in 201.
The proxy wars of IRGC and ISI has compounded the Afghan conflict. Such policy pursuit in the garb of religious fervour and ideological competition by IRGC and ISI has pushed Afghanistan in an unending track of violence and turmoil. The history bears the fact that end-result of such proxy war games are always devastating for peace and security of the sponsor countries as well. At the moment it is bound to have a dangerous syndrome in Afghanistan, its spill over in the region of South Asia and West Asia. India has strong strategic interests in Afghanistan and Iran assumes paramount significance to realise those goals. Therefore, we must tread carefully in the wake of these proxy war games between the ISI of Pakistan and the IRGC of Iran in order to pursue our interests in Afghanistan and beyond. India must device and pursues a policy based on our pragmatic national interests for larger interest of global peace and security as a responsible democratic country.
An updated version of this article can be found here: Perils Of Proxy Wars In Afghanistan: A Comparative Study Of The ISI Of Pakistan And The IRGC Of Iran – Analysis
*Dr Khushnam P N, Independent IR and Regional Security Researcher & Analyst, Bengaluru, India
By Sanchita Bhattacharya*
On August 13, 2020, a 61-year-old Ahmadi man, Meraj Ahmed, was shot dead near his medical store in the Dabgari Gardens area of Peshawar, the provincial capital of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP).
On July 29, 2020, Tahir Naseem, a US citizen and an Ahmadi, accused of blasphemy, was shot dead inside a District Court in Peshawar, in the presence of security and the presiding judge. Though he was killed as an Ahmadi, Saleem ud Din, spokesman of the Jamaat Ahmadiyya Pakistan, later claimed, 'He was born Ahmadi but left the community many years ago. Therefore, to avoid any misinformation, I would like to clarify that the deceased was not part of Jamaat Ahmadiyya.'
Jamaat Ahmadiyya Pakistan is an organisation that, among other things, watches over the religious, economic and political interests of Ahmadis in Pakistan.
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On July 15, 2020, graves of members of the Ahmadi community were desecrated in Tirigiri village of Gujranwala District in Punjab Province, as Quranic verses were written on these graves. Pakistani law prohibits Ahmadis from calling themselves or 'posing as' Muslims.
On July 1, 2020, local clerics allegedly vandalised graves of members of the Ahmadi community in the Nawa Kot area of Sheikhupura District in Punjab Province. Saleem ud Din, spokesman of the Jamaat Ahmadiyya Pakistan, condemning the attack, Tweeted
How long the state apparatus will act as enabler in the hands of extremists? How long our dead will be persecuted in their graves? How long the state & others will turn a blind eye to this?
On February 29, 2020, three graves belonging to Ahmadis were allegedly desecrated by the Police in the Khushab District of Punjab Province.
According to partial data collated by South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), these were the five reported incidents in 2020 in which the Ahmadi community was targeted (data till August 23, 2020). Two of these incidents resulted in one fatality each. Since March 6, 2000, when SATP started compiling data on conflicts in Pakistan, at least 128 Ahmadis have been killed and 113 injured in 28 incidents of killing.
Ultraedit download mac. The worst ever attack targeting the Ahmadis took place on May 28, 2010. 94 people were killed when two Ahmadi mosques were targeted in Lahore, the provincial capital of Punjab, in attacks that included grenades, small arms fire and two suicide bombers. 27 people were killed at the Baitul Nur Mosque in Lahore's Model Town area and 67 people died at the Darul Zikr Mosque in the suburb of Garhi Shahu. The Punjabi Taliban, a local affiliate of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), had claimed responsibility.
Britain's All-Party Parliamentary Group for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in its Report titled, 'Suffocating the Faithful: The Persecution of Ahmadi Muslims in Pakistan and the Rise of International Extremism', published in July 2020, stated that between 1984 and July 2020, at least 269 Ahmadi Muslims have been killed on grounds of faith. The report also explains the abuse Ahmadis experience in educational institutions,
Young Ahmadi Muslims face a constant risk of being denied access to education and those who secure a place are routinely targeted and stigmatised through physical and emotional abuse at the hands of teachers and fellow pupils.
Indeed, apart from death and desecration, the Ahmadi community faces constant oppression and discrimination in eligibility to hold government positions, in contesting elections, in their businesses, and in destruction of their homes and places of worship. Ahmadi Muslims are prevented by law from publishing and possessing their core religious texts, crucially including the Holy Quran. As reported on January 10, 2020, the Punjab Assembly's Special Committee decided to ban the Ahmadi newspaper, Al-Fazl. This, in a state and a country where dozens of terrorist organisations openly publish multiple magazines.
The oppression and suppression faced by Ahmadis are at the behest of the Pakistani establishment. Noor-ul-Haq Qadri, Pakistan's Federal Minister for Religious and Inter-faith Harmony Affairs, declared in May 2020 that any form of 'soft-heartedness' toward the Ahmadis was both un-Islamic and un-patriotic,
Whoever shows sympathy or compassion towards [Ahmadis] is neither loyal to Islam nor the state of Pakistan.
Unsurprisingly, the National Commission for Minorities (NCM), constituted in May 2020 has no member from the Ahmadi community. Initially, it was suggested that Ahmadis should get a representation in the Commission, but, as reported on May 18, 2020, Prime Minister Imran Khan rejected that idea after it sparked severe criticism from orthodox Sunnis who consider the Ahmadi belief an insult to Islam.
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Moreover, under the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), fundamental religious rights are denied to Ahmadis in Pakistan. Ordinance XX prohibits Ahmadis from self-declaration as a Muslim, to make azaan (prayer call), from paying zakat (alms), from observing fast during Ramzaan, and from making pilgrimage to Mecca. PPC 298 C , thus states,
Person of Quadiani group, etc., calling himself a Muslim or preaching or propagating his faith:-Any person of the Quadiani group or the Lahori group (who call themselves ‘Ahmadis' or by any other name), who directly or indirectly, poses himself as a Muslim, or calls, or refers to, his faith as Islam, or preaches or propagates his faith, or invites others to accept his faith, by words, either spoken or written, or by visible representations, or in any manner whatsoever outrages the religious feelings of Muslims shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to three years and shall also be liable to fine.
The Ahmadi community, accepted as a minority sect of Islam at the time of the country's independence in 1947, became the first minority group to be targeted for sectarian violence when anti-Ahmadi riots broke out in 1953 in Lahore, leading to the first imposition of Martial Law in the country's history, limited to Lahore. 2,000 Ahmadis were killed in violent protests.
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Later, in 1974, under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Administration, the Parliament brought the Second Amendment to the 1973 Constitution, and declared the Ahmadis non-Muslims. Unlike all other Muslims in the country, Ahmadis were prohibited from calling their place of worship a mosque and saying the common Islamic greeting of Assalamo Alaikum (Peace be upon you ) or reading the Kalima (the testimony of faith). Smultron 12 0 8 cm.
Further, in 1985, the then President Zia ul Haq pushed through the Eighth Amendment to the 1973 Constitution in Parliament, which was accompanied by a series of laws effectively creating a separate electorate system for non-Muslims, including Ahmadi Muslims. Moreover, according to the Amendment, they cannot hold government office without publicly denouncing Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the founder of the Ahmadi community.
The status of the Ahmadis has become precarious. Several reports have highlighted the pathetic conditions of the sect, including the International Human Rights Committee report, Ahmadis in Pakistan Face an Existential Threat, published in 2017, which demonstrates that Ahmadis in Pakistan are violently targeted, intimidated, harassed and persecuted at all levels of society. It also testifies to the grave injustices that are meted out to minority religious groups such as Ahmadi Muslims. Likewise, South Asia Democratic Forum's report, Persecution against the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community in Pakistan: A multi-dimensional perspective Mac red lipstick swatches. , published on May 10, 2019, underlined the multifaceted and multidimensional persecution of Ahmadis in Pakistan in all spheres of public and private life.
More recently, the US States Commission on International Religious Freedom in its Annual Report 2020, released in April 2020, explaining the situation of Ahmadi community of Pakistan, noted,
Ahmadi Muslims, with their faith essentially criminalized, continued to face severe persecution from authorities as well as societal harassment due to their beliefs, with both the authorities and mobs targeting their houses of worship.
In February 2020, Pakistan's Prime Minister Imran Khan, declaring that minorities are equal citizens of his country, had issued a warning that anyone targeting the non-Muslim population of Pakistan would be strictly dealt with. Regrettably, Khan has failed to back words with convincing action, as evident in the failure to include an Ahmadi representative in the NCM, and also to ensure effective legal action in any of the continuous stream of cases of atrocity and discrimination targeting Ahmadis. Ahmadis, like other religious minorities in Pakistan, continue to face violence and discrimination, targeted by acts of vandalism and violence, forced to declare themselves as 'non-Muslims' and prohibited by law from professing or practicing their faith.
*Sanchita Bhattacharya
Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management
